Tirsit Yetbarek is a PhD student in Sociolinguistics Studies at Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. Her study focuses on the language use of Somalis with special interest to the dialect variation and the community’s preference for use of the different dialects in different domains of communications. She has a double master in Journalism and Communications from Addis Ababa University School of Journalism and Masters in Peace and Security Studies from Institute of Peace and Security Studies in Addis Ababa University. Currently she serving as head of the School of Postgraduate Studies at Admas University Hargeisa.

Summery

Language is a structured system of arbitrary symbols which is usually vo-   cal.  It is through this system that we interact and collaborate with others; in fact, a human group literally cannot cooperate in most circumstances without a common language. Generally, language has two functions: communicative and symbolic. While the communicative function facilitates the flow of information within a speech community, and the symbolic function signifies the identity, preference and cultural aspects of a community; it defines, identifies and describes society in-depth (Simpson, 2008: p. 18). One important function of language is what Sapir has called a ‘communicative function’ (Sapir, 1921:  p.   7)  (Sapir, 1921:  7).   Sapir further explains language as ‘the key to the heart of a people’. In this regard Moulton (1974) defines language as a wonderful and rich vehicle of communication, that is, expression of ideas, wishes and commands, conveyance of truths and lies, etc.  He states that only human beings have that attribute of sending and receiving an unlimited number of messages. That is why the combination of the two helps to describe a community in depth, through     its language use and its marks of identity contained in the language. That means cultural differences are inextricably bound up with language.

The interaction gets more interesting bearing in mind the fact that linguistic variation appears on several levels. Even within common language groups, differences may be found on national, provincial and local levels,   and these differences are manifested through dialectal differences. Dialect, sociolect and idiolect are among the mirroring realities which create different types of language use in various domains. This is the situation in which we find Somali society, which is assumed to be monolingual but has significant variation mainly on a dialect basis. Dialectal variation creates a situation where members may rank and choose among the dialects For a Common Communication Channel in Any Given Context.

Accordingly, the factors initiating the inclination to use one or another variety in a certain domain are diverse but can be explained by a cost-benefit analysis of the individuals in that interaction. Therefore, investigating language use in a particular society will significantly help to understand, define and inform socially significant policy directions regarding the language situation in any language community in general and in Somali language speaking communities in this particular case. It will also help to explain how significant dialectal variation could be a point of reference for in-group and out-group membership, which is usually the case in a general language variation domain but which might present a different outlook in the context of  a presumed monolingual society.

It is with this base that the present author proposed a sociolinguistic study of Somali language, focusing on language use of community members based on dialect variation and its effect on choice for different domains.

Based on my observations and primary data obtained from the official sources, I have selected families with active interaction in the different camp environments along with the criterion of their being a family with parents who are from different dialect speaking groups.  I used a snowballing sampling system with the assistance of the Refugee Central Committee members in each camp. Therefore, in my stay at the refugee camp, I have been observing, recording and doing interviews with those selected informants from whom I have recorded twenty eight interviews.  Based on this, I have managed to   find out that the main naming for all the dialects is Af-Soomaali vs. Rahanweyn, which indirectly refers back to Maxatiri vs AF-MAAY, these are the umbrella terms used for the dialect domains. However, it is also understood from further investigation that the Af-Soomaali which indicates the ‘proper Somali dialect’ connotation includes the Northern and the Benaadiri Somali Varieties. While the  Rahanweyn varieties are the major varieties of Central Somalia along with those of Af- Ashraaf, Af-Gelede (Belede,) Garre, Jiidu and Dubo.  All in all, the existence of various varieties is proved to be the case in the community. These varieties are the less dominant ones in certain domains

The dialect labelled ‘Af-Soomaali’, which indirectly refers to the northern dialects is dominant in function since it is used in almost all domains. It is especially demanded and highly encouraged in the official or formal domains.

The notion of ‘failed state’ and the implicit universalism of state building efforts by exploring how public services continues to be provided

Tobias Gandrup, a PhD candidate in Development Studies from the Institute of Development Policy and Management at University of Antwerp in Belgium. He is a Danish citizen and his educational background includes an MA in International Development Studies and Global Studies from Roskilde University, Denmark. His MA thesis focused on the political history of Hargeysa Egal International Airport and its role in state formation processes in Somaliland. I conducted two months of fieldwork in Hargeysa as part of the research.

 Summary

‘Failed states’ are characterized by a vacuum of authority and as areas where public services are no longer delivered. However, evidence from the Republic of Somaliland challenges these ideas and illustrates that although the area has been affected by economic instability and conflicts, public services are still provided albeit by a variety of state and non-state actors. This PhD project challenges the notion of ‘failed state’ and the implicit universalism of state building efforts by exploring how public services continues to be provided in a context where the state has limited control and outreach. This will be done through the ‘hybrid governance’ perspective. The ‘hybrid governance’ literature demonstrates that not only state actors but also non-state actors are involved in the field of providing governance in a certain area. However, whereas the literature on ‘hybrid governance’ acknowledges that a variety of actors are involved in governance, it has neglected – or overseen – the ongoing interactions between these different actors. By studying interaction around the delivery of primary education, one of the most important state services, this PhD project aims at filling these gaps. Moreover, while this research takes theoretical point of departure in the hybrid governance literature, it seeks to challenge this notion and empirically investigates to what extent the notion of ‘hybridity’ is important ‘locally’.

More concretely, the research is interested in three overall themes: i) the emergence of an education sector in the early 1990s after the collapse of the Barre administration, ii) the different ways in which education delivery is organized today, and iii) the negotiations and reactions on government policies and interventions by non-state actors. This allows me to unfold how the ongoing interactions between various actors in the field of primary education delivery shape and reshape modes of (hybrid) governance in Somaliland. Extensive qualitative field research in Somaliland will ensure primary access to how people organize public and collective services.

In the presentation, the theoretical crux and the methodology of the research PhD project were shortly be presented. More importantly, he presented some of the preliminary findings from Hargeysa and tested a few arguments that the researcher is currently constructing. The research is a work in progress whereby he so far conducted three out of twelve months of fieldwork (in Hargeysa)

Claire Elder who is currently a doctoral candidate in Politics at the University of Oxford was our eye opener for the unique forum. A second-year student, Elder is currently in the initial stages of research, her thesis is entitled ‘Diaspora politics in Somalia 1979-2016’, covering the effects diaspora returnees had on politics and political institutions respectively. Prior to this she has worked for the International Crisis Group and the US Institute for Peace, and as an independent consultant in the region. She first came to Somaliland in 2013, and has come frequently since then.

Summery

Politics in Somaliland has developed for the last two and half decades, this will focus on, what role does diaspora has in Somaliland politics in that time? Diaspora returnees have influenced or taking a major role in the last four governments, whether the executive branch or legislative, they influence government policies, both internal and external. Some of them are transformative while others are non-transformative so, if they are productive what did they contribute? And if they are not why did they fail to contribute? Some people argue they are transformative in these areas:

• Democratization
• New policies towards development
• Seeking international recognition
• Trade and foreign investments
• Local business investments

The audience asked Claire some awfully interested questions while displaying interesting ways in which, to look at diaspora politics, a few below.

How have Somaliland’s four sitting governments engaged with diaspora politicians? What the definition of diaspora in the context of Somaliland, and are people who return from across Africa and Asia considered diaspora? A point was also raised about the disparity between first and second-generation diaspora experience, and how this effects involvement in politics.

It might be fascinating to look at one particular branch of government over a period of time and a few different types of diaspora returnees (first, second generation, European, African and Arabian) and the ways they have impacted or not impacted that particular institution.

Another really interesting point was raised about the reasons for such high interest in politics among diaspora, perhaps being link to the lack of financial institutions and therefore the inability to raise initial funds so, being politically active opens doors for investment and creates legitimacy.

An audience member noted diaspora in policy making tend to be more outward facing mainly focusing on international recognitions, external trade links and foreign investment; and less on rural infrastructure and urban planning.